New Monetarist Economics
This gives me a good chance to address issues related to real business cycle theory and its own put in place modern macroeconomics. Milton Friedman and the Old Monetarists seemed to be short-run Keynesians. When pressed to jot down his eyesight of sources of short-run nonneutralities of money, Friedman’s framework was essentially standard IS/LM.
In comparison to mainstream Keynesian views at that time, however, Friedman was anti-interventionist firmly. Attempts at stabilization policy, either through fiscal or monetary means, regarding Friedman would make things worse undoubtedly. For Friedman, the policy could mess things because of policy-making lags up, imperfect information about the state and structure of the macroeconomy, and the “long and variable lags” associated with the ramifications of monetary policy (and fiscal policy too). Then, along came the Phelps Lucas and volume pathbreaking 1972 Journal of Economic Theory paper and macreconomists began to think about the world in a different way entirely. In the Keynesian world, fluctuations in aggregate economic activity are inefficient, and the logic was consistent using what we observe.
We find ourselves in the center of a downturn. In conditions of the fundamentals, the economy looks more or less exactly like it did before the recession happened. There is the same set of individuals roughly, with the same skills. The same buildings and machines are in existence, and we realize as much about how to create stuff even as we did before the recession happened. However, we are producing less and more folks are unemployed.
Surely something has gone wrong, and the nationwide government can do something positive about it, by spending more and relaxing financial policy to put people back again to work. However, the Phelps volume Lucas and writers got us taking into consideration the pursuing. An unemployed person is someone who answers the labor force survey in a specific way. This person is involved in a particular activity – search – and we can analyze this process just as we would analyze anything else in economics, as including bonuses and choice.
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Due to a mismatch between your workers that companies want and the jobs that workers would like to have, separations credited to various factors, and folks relocating and out of the labor force, you will see unemployment always. Further, fluctuations in these factors determining unemployment will make the unemployment rate fluctuates. Indeed, we may picture fluctuations in unemployment that are solely efficient – there could be nothing the Federal government should do about this. Also, according to Lucas’s 1972 model, financial plan could be causing inefficient fluctuations. Indeed, there may be states of the world where GDP is high inefficiently. Thus, the Federal government could up be actively screwing things, in line with Friedman’s thinking.
Next, along come Kydland and Prescott in 1982, using what later became known as real business cycle evaluation. In conditions of the economics, the Kydland-Prescott framework was not very radical, being an elaboration of received growth theory, stemming from the work of Solow, Cass-Koopmans, and Brock-Mirman. For some macroeconomists who have been brought up on the Keynesian paradigm, and were invested in it highly, this is heresy. Some old prominent economists, including Tobin and Solow, resisted, and some prominent young economists, including Larry Summers, do as well. For young experts who received their education through the 1970s and 1980s (this includes me of course), the new paradigms were exciting.
The economics of Kydland, Prescott, Lucas, Sargent, and Wallace appeared more strongly grounded in the solid general equilibrium theory produced by Debreu and Arrow, and these sociable people acquired good quarrels which appeared to match well with empirical observations. Relative to this, mainstream Keynesian economics just looked mushy. Who would want to tie their caboose compared to that train?
Now, though Kydland and Prescott offered an extreme view of business cycles, that could be interpreted as informing us that the Federal government is irrelevant, the general spirit of the approach is something different from that entirely. The main element lesson is that we need to impose the same discipline on the evaluation of macroeconomic government policies as we would in any other field of economics. Skepticism about the role of authorities is healthy, and every government intervention and program should be justified in terms of correcting some externality or market failure.
What about Prescott’s remarks last Wednesday about the sources of the current downturn? What should we make of that? To me, Prescott’s narrative didn’t make any sense, in conditions of what I know about the known facts. To be fair, we should wait to observe how he spells this out in conditions of a rigorous argument with an explicit model he may use to confront the info. However, to make myself clear (to the people like Krugman), what I was quarreling about got nothing to do with the competitive paradigm or basic neoclassical development theory. My only problem was with the shocks that Prescott was evoking to clarify events.